In Bharat, Rohingya are refugees, Afghans are refugees, but displaced Hindus are migrants.
The Calcutta High Court (CHC) remarked that West Bengal Police were conspicuously absent, ignoring calls when Muslims went on a killing, looting, and raping spree in Murshidabad against Hindus.
Local Trinamool Congress (TMC) councillors and MLAs were present at the communal violence site, egging on Muslims to spread violence. The Islamists and allied left-wing Hindus imposed violence as a protest against the Amendment to the Waqf Act.
“A man named Amirul Islam came back to the village and saw which houses were not attacked, and then the miscreants came and set fire to those houses,” the CHC’s fact-finding committee report said.
Over 400 Hindus were driven out of their homes to neighboring districts. The days-long violence stopped only after the arrival of Central Security Forces.
TMC MP and Hindu Saugata Roy said that a meeting was called to “non violently pacify the Muslim community” and blamed the Waqf Amendment Bill for agitations.
According to the BJP-led Centre and TMC-led State, these Hindus are migrants, not refugees. The same characterization applies to Kashmiri Pandits. No structured support, no tacit government recognition.
Most Pandits languish in camps in Jammu and Delhi, with minimal rehabilitation. The government provides limited financial aid (₹3,250 monthly per family under a 2015 scheme), and only 6,600 families have returned to Kashmir under state programs, to inadequate housing. No UNHCR funds, no international aid, no Red Cross/Crescent; even fellow Hindus ignore their plight.
In 2022, the so-called Hindu Nationalist Union government (later rescinded) announced Economically Weaker Section (EWS) flats in Bakkarwala, Delhi, basic amenities, UNHCR IDs, and round-the-clock Delhi Police for the Rohingya.
Meanwhile, Pandit refugees are offered access only to destitute and dilapidated camps.
Nevertheless, the UNHCR’s involvement ensures Rohingya access to global funds (Rs. 50-100 crore annually), unlike Hindu refugees who rely solely on strained state budgets.
India has issued over 1,000 e-visas and long-term visas to Afghan Muslims since 2021, with many resettled in Delhi under humanitarian programs. The government allocated ₹100 crore for Afghan Muslim refugee support, including housing and livelihood assistance, benefiting around 5,000 individuals. UNHCR and NGOs provide additional aid, such as education and health services, costing an estimated ₹20-30 crore annually.
1-2 crore illegal Bangladeshi Muslims reside in India, with West Bengal as a primary hub. The TMC government continues providing “clear as day” support, such as voter IDs and ration cards, to secure electoral support, costing taxpayers an estimated ₹2,000-3,000 crore annually in subsidies like rice at ₹2 per kg. These illegal immigrants benefit from state welfare without citizenship verification.
The TMC’s anti-Hindu stance, seen in its opposition to the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2019 (CAA) and prioritization of minority welfare (e.g., ₹14.12 crore for Hajj subsidies), exacerbates tensions.
Kashmiri Pandits are treated with disrespect, if not cruelty, while Muslim refugees and illegals receive special consideration.
The CAA’s exclusion of Muslims like Rohingya, Afghans, and Bangladeshis from fast-tracked citizenship, while not aiding displaced Kashmiri Pandits (already citizens), creates a policy gap where Hindu refugees fall through the cracks.
In one lifetime, around 1,30,000 Brahmins who lived throughout Kashmir are now around 3,000 in the same location. Their houses, temples, records, and existence erased. Rohingya, Afghans, and Bangladeshis grow in record numbers inside Bharat.
Hindu refugees are seen as less “urgent” in a Hindu-majority nation, with parties like the TMC avoiding robust action to prevent backlash from Muslim voters. The TMC prioritization of minority welfare, downplays Hindu suffering. Bangladeshi illegals benefit from West Bengal’s political dynamics and left-wing Hindus.
Kashmiri Pandits, as internal refugees, lack international advocacy. Anti-Brahmin hatred among Hindus is espoused by liberal Hindus in denying relief. Their argument goes “Brahmins are privileged, Brahmins are rich.”
Does Rich and Poor, Good and Evil not exist in all communities?
Hindu conspiracy, Hindutva, Sanghis—are used to silence feeble voices. The Kashmir Files, a movie depicting the exodus and pogroms of Hindus, was labeled fascist, anti-Muslim, and Hindutva propaganda.
Temple funds are diverted to secular or minority welfare, while mosques and churches retain autonomous revenues, leaving less for Hindu-specific causes like refugee aid.
Is it wrong to prioritize the native population and citizens before outsiders?
Is it wrong to mandate Temple funds be used only for Hindus and Hindu purposes?
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