Did you vote based on freebies? Did you vote at all? The Kalaignar Magalir Urimai Thittam gives women ₹1,000 a month, costing taxpayers ரூ13,807 crore. This could be spent on building 2,700 km of roads or fixing our drainage systems. The DMK government allocates ₹14.12 crore for Hajj subsidies (₹25,000 per first-time pilgrim to over 5,000 Muslims), alongside funds for Christian pilgrimages.
Hindus are not allocated funds to visit Kashi, Ayodhya, or any other city. Also, the Abrahamic texts never mention Bharat.
A generation hooked on freebies inherits debt, poor jobs, and crumbling cities—negating India’s potential as a developed nation. Governments foster dependency and neglect investments for a prosperous future. Punjab and Rajasthan subsidies consume 16 percent of revenue, pushing fiscal distress and higher borrowings that burden future generations.
The same voters and journalists who embrace freebies often lament India’s underdevelopment among strangers and contacts. Complaints flood platforms about potholes, polluted air, and unhygienic streets—blaming poverty or mentality but ignoring fiscal trade-offs.
The Irony?
The middle class, who do most of the taxpaying, ignore polling days. Poor voters, who turn out at higher rates (often 10–15% more than middle/upper classes), prioritize freebies over long-term growth. Rural and low-income groups vote en masse for schemes like cash transfers, seeing them as necessities amid distress.
Hindu temple revenues, controlled by state governments, are used for secular or non-Hindu purposes, while mosques and churches face no such interference.
In Tamil Nadu, the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments (HR&CE) Department manages over 36,000 temples, collecting billions from offerings, land, and gold. Funds are diverted to educational institutions, old-age homes, or even government expenses, benefiting people of all faiths without religious restrictions. Like roads, temples face disrepair, disuse, and abuse of Hindus.
The Tamil Nadu government has melted over 1,000 kg of temple gold into bars since 2021, supposedly for temple maintenance but often diverted to secular purposes.
In Karnataka, ரூ445 crore from temples in one year saw Rs. 330 crore spent on Muslims, Waqf, mosques, and Christians—highlighting how Hindu donations indirectly fund other faiths.
Mosques are managed by autonomous Waqf Boards, churches by dioceses, retaining all revenues for their communities. No government administration, no revenue extraction.
Freebies aren’t free; they are a burden to all, but more so to the Indian middle class, a huge percentage being self-hating Hindus and pretend Kamal Hassans.
Rs./₹/ரூ all denote Rupees.
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